Tembleque Aqueduct - Native American Contribution to Classic Engineering Principles

The Tembleque Aqueduct is one of the most impressive feats of hydraulic engineering in human history. Located in the Otumba of Mexico, it has provided clean water to surrounding communities for many generations. The aqueduct stretches an impressive 45 kilometers (27.96 miles) and consists of 156 aboveground arches of variable heights. The aqueduct was said to be built by its name sake, a Franciscan friar of the name Tembleque. Its' construction took 17 years, starting in 1553 and ending in 1571. The construction project is said to have included over 400 indian laborers.

The project included laborers from the communities of "Zacuala, Tlaquilpa, Zempoala and Otumba [who worked] solely on the basis of their ancestral tradition of social work organization known as tequio“ (UNESCO). Tequio is a social tradition that commends work on behalf of the public's well-being.

Before the aqueduct, residents (primary indigenous) relied of jagüeyes, or naturally forming pools of water. The surrounding landscape does not receive large amounts of rain and is considered dry and arid. "More fortunate citizens had their own cisterns at home, but even when care was taken to protect the water from the elements, it was still impure and dangerous to the health. The poor people were in worse circumstances. They were forced to drink putrid, stagnant water which lay in open wells, called jagüeyes, some of which are still extant” (Valdez 224). Fran Tembleque was determined to provide a better source of water and is both known for his endorsement of the aqueducts construction to Spanish authorities as well as his oversight throughout the 17 years.

The construction is often mistaken as solely European, Roman, or Arabic in nature. However, this presentation would like to contend that the indigenous building methods enabled this aqueduct to grow to the enormous height and length. Moreover, the native construction techniques, when combined with hydraulic understanding of the West, allowed for this feature to stand for centuries.

Object #1: Overview of the Tembleque Aquaduct
UNESCO World Heritage Centre. "Aqueduct of Padre Tembleque Hydraulic System." UNESCO World Heritage Centre. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 Nov. 2016.

"The hydraulic system is an outstanding example of a heritage canal because its main arcaded aqueduct at Tepeyahualco reaches a total height of 39.65m (~130ft) with its central arch of 33.84m height, which is the highest aqueduct ever constructed at that time with a single level of arches" (UNESCO).

UNESCO World Heritage Centre. "Aqueduct of Padre Tembleque Hydraulic System." UNESCO World Heritage Centre. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 Nov. 2016.

For reference, this is the Pont du Gard in France. It is considerably high, however it has three levels of arches. The levels of arches allowed the laborers ease in handling the heights. The laborers, in this instance, employed scaffolding. Tembleque did not use scaffolding in its construction. The Tembleque was uniquely influenced by Native building techniques. "The conjunction of the Roman heritage of masonry aqueducts, hydraulic management techniques inspired by Arab-Andalusian know-how and pre-Hispanic indigenous traditions for adobe construction is indeed exceptional" (UNESCO 334).

Object #2: Pont du Gard, France

“Construction of arcades was also based on local knowledge and techniques of the so-called Mestizo System, first building supporting structures of adobe and gradually raising the stone constructions, which allowed workers horizontal movement, rather than working with scaffolds or formworks. The local workers also left their signature on the structure by decorating keystones and spandrels with symbols corresponding to Mesoamerican cosmogony“ (UNESCO).

 Tribute to Mary centrally located on Tembleque.
UNESCO World Heritage Centre. "Aqueduct of Padre Tembleque Hydraulic System." UNESCO World Heritage Centre. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 Nov. 2016.

Object #3: Mary centered on Tembleque
UNESCO World Heritage Centre. "Aqueduct of Padre Tembleque Hydraulic System." UNESCO World Heritage Centre. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 Nov. 2016.

This is one of many Catholic features that is present along the track of the aqueduct. This feature is especially prominent and is most famous. 

Object #4: Tembleque Glyph at Tecajete Domain
UNESCO World Heritage Centre. "Aqueduct of Padre Tembleque Hydraulic System." UNESCO World Heritage Centre. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 Nov. 2016.

This is one of the many original indigenous glyphs engraved into the Tembleque aqueduct. One of the best historical indicators that Tembleque was a function of indigenous engineering is that Padre Tembleque himself has no recorded engineering knowledge. As Valdez says, many of Tembleque's contemporaries questioned him, asking why he would "build an aqueduct terrain without any knowledge of engineering?" (Valdez 226).

Object #5: glyph found on Tembleque.
UNESCO World Heritage Centre. "Aqueduct of Padre Tembleque Hydraulic System." UNESCO World Heritage Centre. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 Nov. 2016.

"This applies in particular where arches of the system exist and where one can see the hundreds of visible glyphs that were incorporated in the aqueduct’s construction by the indigenous populations, underscoring that the spectacular engineering work was a collaborative effort between the indigenous population and the Spanish clergy" (UNESCO 334).

"The hydraulic system exhibits an important interchange of European tradition in terms of the knowledge of Roman hydraulics evidenced in the canals’ gradual slope through the irregular topography, and Mesoamerican culture represented by the use of the traditional social organization of collective working, the utilization and adaptation of local methods of adobe construction as well as the presence of glyphs illustrating preHispanic symbols and cosmology in several arcade structures." (UNESCO 334)

Bibliography

Kubler, George. “Architects and Builders in Mexico: 1521-1550.” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, vol. 7, 1944, pp. 7–19. www.jstor.org/stable/750376.

Mendoza, Amado Sanchez. “Potable Water in Mexico: History and Problems.” Journal (American Water Works Association), vol. 71, no. 10, 1979, pp. 540–541. www.jstor.org/stable/41270189.

UNESCO. Evaluations of Nominations of Cultural and Mixed Properties of the World Heritage List. Vol. 39. N.p.: World Heritage Committee, n.d. UNESCO World Heritage Centre. WHC, 1 June 2015. Web. 27 Nov. 2016. <http://whc.unesco.org/archive/2015/whc15-39com-inf8B1-en.pdf>.

Valdés, Octaviano. “Fray Francisco De Tembleque.” The Americas, vol. 3, no. 2, 1946, pp. 223–233. www.jstor.org/stable/978708.

Live and Die by the Rain - Trickle Down Socioeconomic Effect of Rain Dependency by Will Parsley

Innovations in rainwater collection and water management within tropical environments produced distinctly Mayan societal structure.

Temple of Grand Jaguar, Tikal

Regional Climate Context

The Maya shared a common problem with the University of Penn archaeologists that visited the ruins of Tikal centuries later: how do we get consistent, potable water here without nearby lakes and rivers? The Central American rainforest and wetlands offer a myriad of different problems for those looking to inhabit the land, much less rule over it. Solutions for the Maya's water needs arose in a few different forms that share many commonalities. Analysis of objects in Holtzun cenote of Chichen Itza and around the rainwater collection system of the city of Tikal offer many insights into the culture of the Maya.

“Although the southern Maya lowlands may receive as much as eighty inches of rain a year, the rainfall is concentrated in an eight-month season” (Scarborough 40). For perspective, this region receives about twice the amount of yearly rainfall as Austin, Texas, which hovers around 34.25in a year (U.S. Climate Data). Transporting the water over land using burrows or manual labor is treacherous and incredibly inefficient. The Maya were left with no option but to efficiently control their limited water resources. Managing the temperamental water resource meant a series of technological and managerial advances that helped sophisticate all other practices of Maya culture and economy.

Cenotes

Cenotes are deep underground caverns able to collect and hold water. Many are still able to be visited today. Cenotes represent a source of water that is large and clean enough to sustain human life. Moreover, they signaled high quality soil and the presence of local water tables, making the surrounding area attractive for agriculture. Not surprisingly, cenotes became centers of Mayan life on the Yucatan lowlands and are “often found near ancient sites such as Chichen Itza” (Luzzadder-Beach 435).

Nat Geo divers swimming in the illuminated Holtun Cenote
http://www.natgeocreative.com/comp/MM8/150/1575692.jpg

Many times, access to the water was difficult. In the case of the Holtun Cenote, outside of Chichen Itza, the opening was 3 meters by 2.7 meters (about 9x9ft). Those tasked with entering the cenote "probably used ropes to slide down from the ground surface to reach the water" and "some sort of flotation device" to navigate the water surface (Cobos 59). The water source was not accessible to the majority of the population for more than just the small opening. The cenote represented major religious significance for the Mayans. With religion tied directly to the societal hierarchy, the cenote's value became more sentimental and religious than functional. Items found within the well shed light on activities that took place in and around the Holtun cenote adjacent to Chichen Itza in the Late Preclassic age.

Objects #1 (above) & #2 (below) - Vases found
 within Holtun cenote

Two types of items could be found in the Holtun cenote. The first image (Object #1) shows ancient ceramics found upon a ledge in the Holtun cenote. The ledges can be seen in the above artist's rendering of the subterranean basin. As opposed to the objects found at the bottom of the basin, cultural artifacts found on the ledge "were placed [on 16 meters of limestone] when that surface was dry and the water level was below this feature" (Cobos 60). The objects were presumably arranged by a person lowered into the cenote. The items features a diverse set of items ranging from eight different ceramic types to human and animal bones.

The second type of objects found within the Holtun cenote were found at the very bottom of the basin. "These objects were thrown from the ground entrance into the cenote waters" as religious offerings (Cobos 60). These objects, such as the one pictured above, are often broken but salvageable and display effects of remaining underwater.

Cenotes provide insight into the Mayan understanding of water management from a functional and societal standpoint. Functionally, the Maya appear to understand conservation of a static water source, as opposed to access to flowing rivers or natural lakes. However, cenotes do not indicate an elevated knowledge of capturing rainfall and employing gravity to deliver water. Societally, the display of cultural importance and elite exclusivity which is consistent with other water management techniques. Its' believed religious value and ceremonial importance display a distancing of the masses from the water source. Reservoirs demonstrate the functional dependency the Maya elite's create and maintain.

Reservoirs - Aguandas

Around these reservoirs and other water structures "residential wealth in Tikal was concentrated unevenly around the city" (Scarborough 41). Easier access to water appears to be an attribute of the wealthy Tikal residents. Clearly, by the location of the Tikal's Temple reservoir the ruling elite held both the cleanest and easiest water to access. Although historian's speculate some water cleaning was done, "ancient Maya did not appear to understand the problems that could be caused by impure water" and subsequently "garbage accumulated adjacent to the Palace reservoir" from "the royal kitchen" (Harrison 24).  Moreover, the water network appeared to be "easily guarded at both the west and east limits of the waterway" (Harrison 26).

Object #3
Laja
Dennis Puleston, University of Pennsylvania Tikal Project Negative 64-37-112,
 University of Pennsylvania Museum. All rights reserved.

Tikal's towering structures were built with quarried rock. Many Mayan quarries were located directly adjacent to the city. Quarries, in turn, were made into reservoirs easily, the rock being employed to improve water retention levels. This effective strategy produced the literal building blocks of Mayan architecture, such as this block pictured above. These slabs, or lajas,  would be held together "by thick black clays that did not allow water to seep through the bottom" (Harrison 23). These slabs made up the foundation of most of city's structures, including three major reservoirs depicted below. This represents a major augmentation of the land by the Maya people as well as an implicit cultural understanding of regulation authority needed in the new complex water system. 

Demonstration of slop and strata of Tikal water reservoirs (Harrison 23)

Tikal Reservoir Examples

Object #4
Excavated dike, 1962 (Harrison 23)

The above picture depicts Jose Leva, a Guatemalan archaeologist atop an excavated dike connecting two reservoirs in Tikal. This picture demonstrates the slope factor which Maya engineers took advantage of to transport the collected water. Dikes were among several different water release and retention mechanisms employed in Tikal. They represent not only a complex understanding of gravity and its application, but also of a great understanding of weather patterns. "As the engineers of the water managements system monitored the seasonal patterns and amounts of rainfall, they accordingly created the system of water retention with large and small water basins" (Harrison23). Moreover, these dikes contain stair step-like features that allow researchers to understand water "marking levels that were sustained for long periods of time" (Harrison 24). 

Object #5:
Exposed water canal (Scarborough)

This picture shows a canal that moves water towards the Corriental reservoir, the final stage of the Temple water's travel. The Corriental was "one of four bajo-margin tanks situated just above isolated, seasonally inundated depressions (bajos) that were likely the foci of intensive farming" (Scarborough 12411). This represents the end of the formalized network of water allocation. By this point, the water has been assumed to be at its worst quality. This is the transition of water from the system to the farming field and was most likely used to maintain wetlands (Chinampas) that many have understood the Maya to have used. This system ultimately created a tremendously large society, estimated at 9,800, who were largely dependent on the knowledge and decision making of the elite class in order to survive. The Maya population could only scale both upwards and downwards spatially by surplus of water or by more efficient and complex collection methods. The water retained its' religious ties but precipitation declines ultimately led to the end of this great society.

Thank you.

Works Cited

Austin Climate Data. US Climate Data. "Temperature - Precipitation - Sunshine - Snowfall."Climate Texas. N.p., n.d. Web. 04 Oct. 2016.

Cobos, Rafael, Guillermo De Anda Alanís, and Roberto García Moll. "5 Ancient Climate and Archaeology: Uxmal, Chichén Itzá, and Their Collapse at the End of the Terminal Classic Period." Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 24.1 (2014): 56-71. Web.

Http://independent.academia.edu/PeterHarrison1. "A Marvel of Maya Engineering: Water Management at Tikal - in Expedition, Vol. 54, No. 2, Pp. 19-26." Academia.edu. N.p., n.d. Web. 03 Oct. 2016.

Lucero, Lisa J., Scott L. Fedick, Nicholas P. Dunning, David L. Lentz, and Vernon L. Scarborough. "3 Water and Landscape: Ancient Maya Settlement Decisions." Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 24.1 (2014): 30-42. Web.

Luzzadder-Beach, Sheryl, Timothy Beach, Scott Hutson, and Samantha Krause. "Sky-earth, Lake-sea: Climate and Water in Maya History and Landscape." Antiquity 90.350 (2016): 426-42. Web.

Scarborough, V. L., N. P. Dunning, K. B. Tankersley, C. Carr, E. Weaver, L. Grazioso, B. Lane, J. G. Jones, P. Buttles, F. Valdez, and D. L. Lentz. "Water and Sustainable Land Use at the Ancient Tropical City of Tikal, Guatemala."Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 109.31 (2012): 12408-2413. Web.

Scarborough, Vernon L. "Flow Of Power." The Sciences 32.2 (1992): 38-43. Web.